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Council for National Security

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This article focuses on the military junta that overthrew the elected civilian government of Thailand in the 2006 Thailand coup. For information on the civilian government to be appointed by the junta, see the Thailand 2006 interim civilian government article.

The Council for National Security (CNS, formerly known in english as the Council for Democratic Reform and the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarchy; Thai: คณะมนตรีความมั่นคงแห่งชาติ, formerly คณะปฏิรูปการปกครอง ในระบอบประชาธิปไตย อันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็นประมุข, formerly abbreviated คปค; see below for other translations), was the name of the military regime that governed Thailand following the 2006 coup d'état ousting Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. It was led by Army Commander General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, who claimed powers equivalent to Prime Minister, before appointing Surayud Chulanont as Prime Minister of Thailand.[1] Under the CNS-drafted interim consitutution, the Council continues to maintain considerable power, particularly over the drafting of a permanent constitution.

Contents

[edit] Name

The military junta that overthrew the government of Thaksin Shinawatra originally called itself the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarchy. This was originally translated in several ways in news reports, including

  • Administrative Reform Council
  • Democratic Reform Council
  • Political Reform Council
  • Committee of Political Reformation Under Democracy
  • Military Council for Political Reform
  • Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy
  • Administrative Reform Group under the Democratic System with the King as Head of State.[2]

On Thursday 21 of September, the junta spokesperson asked the local press to report its name in full (with "...under the Constitutional Monarchy"), and noted that "The name is important in relaying a right message and its shortened version might be misleading".[3] Both before and after this, most news reports used a shorter name.

The junta later changed its english name to simply "Council for Democratic Reform" in order to remove any suspicions about the role of the monarchy.[4]

Article 34 of the 2006 Interim Constitution changed the name of the junta to the Council for National Security.[5]

[edit] Membership and key positions

Sonthi received the appointment and blessing of king Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is quoted as saying, "In order to create peace in the country, the King appoints General Sonthi Boonyaratglin as head of the Council for Political Reform. All people should remain peaceful and civil servants should listen to orders from General Sonthi Boonyaratglin from now on"[6]. The junta consists of the leaders of all branches of the Thai military and police:[7]

A week after the coup, Sonthi's former classmate Gen Boonsrang Naimpradit was promoted from Deputy Supreme Commander to the post of Supreme Commander, replacing Ruangroj Mahasaranon. Junta Secretary General, Winai Phattiyakul, was promoted to the post of Permanent Secretary for Defence.[8]

Gen Sonthi also promoted his fellow classmates and lieutenants in the coup, 1st Army Region Commander Lt-Gen Anupong Paochinda and 3rd Army Region Commander Lt-Gen Saprang Kalayanamitr, to the post of Assistant Army Commander.[9][10]

On 22 September, the Council gave Police General Kowit Wattana absolute power over all police matters. He was also made Chair of a new National Police Commission, the membership of which had not yet been announced. The Commission will be assigned to amend the 2004 National Police Bill over the next year; the Bill had been originally been approved by the elected Parliament. Under the pre-coup legal framework, the Premier had been responsible for Chairing the Commission.[11]

A later restructuring reflected power shifts among the junta, particularly an increase in the power of the army and a decrease in the power of the police and navy. Police chief Kowit Watana, who, after the coup, had reshuffle senior police personnel to strengthen his personal base, was demoted from junta Deputy Chief to merely a member. Navy Commander Admiral Sathiraphan Keyanond, who had been second in command of the junta, was also demoted to being merely a member.[12]

[edit] Political motivations and objectives

In a statement on 21 September, the Council stated its reasons for taking power, and gave a commitment to restore democratic government within one year. The statement described the coup as a “brief intervention in order to restore peace, unity, and justice in the country.”

The reasons given for the coup were:

   
Council for National Security
  • Lack of political confidence in Thailand and impasse of political differences
  • Drastic increase in disunity among Thai people
  • Signs of rampant corruption, malfeasance and widespread nepotism
  • Inability to proceed with the reform process as intended by the Constitution
  • Interference in national independent agencies, crippling their ability to function properly and to effectively solve the nation’s problems
  • Certain substantive democratic elements in the Constitution have been undermined
  • Deterioration of social justice
  • Evidence of words and actions which have shaken and proven to be against the very foundation of Thailand’s democracy with His Majesty the King as Head of State
   
Council for National Security

The statement continued: “The Council’s intervention has no other aim than to strengthen democracy through democratic reforms, including the holding of generally-accepted free and fair elections. Leaving the country under protracted political uncertainty, on the other hand, would eventually erode people’s trust and confidence in the very foundations of democracy.”

[edit] Decisions and future

The junta pledged to appoint a civilian government, step aside, reinstate human rights, hold elections within a year, and not change key Thaksin-government policies like universal healthcare and microcredit village funds. The junta later appointed retired General Surayud Chulanont as Premier, changed its name to the Council for National Security and institutionalized its power in the Interim Constitution, lifted their ban on political gatherings (but only for "constructive debates"), and moved the probably date of elections to 17 months.[13][14][15]

[edit] Timeline for establishment of civilian government

The Council’s statement included a timetable for the restoration of civilian government and elections. “A provisional constitution will be in place within two weeks, and eventually a civilian government will be formed,” it said. “The mechanisms for democratic reform will soon be reinstated. A legislative body, responsible for legislation and the drafting of the new constitution, will be established. This process, which will lead to general elections, should be completed within one year.[16] See Thailand 2006 interim civilian government

Following the general election the junta would be dissolved and replaced by a Council of National Security [17] "It's necessary to keep the council so that there is no loophole for the executive branch," General Sonthi Boonyaratglin told AFP [18]

[edit] Removal from the civil service

The junta initiated the removal from the civil service of people appointed by the Thaksin government as well as Thaksin's former Class 10 classmates at the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School. Military officers to be transferred to inactive posts included assistant army chief Gen Pornchai Kranlert, First Army Corps commander Lt-Gen Jirasit Kesakomol, First Army Division chief Maj-Gen Prin Suwandhat, Commander of the First Army Area Lt General Anupong Paochinda, Maj General Prin Suwanathat, Lt General Jirasit Kesakomol, Maj General Ruangsak Thongdee, Maj General Sanit Phrommas, and Maj General Manas Paorik. General Lertrat Rattavanich, seen as close to the Thaksin government, was promoted to a ceremonial post of Defence Inspector General.[19]

Labor Ministry Permanent Secretary Somchai Wongsawat, brother-in-law of Thaksin Shinawatra, was arrested and is being detained on the second floor of the Army Headquarters building.[20]

Also transferred were 18 senior police officers which the junta claimed could pose a threat to national security if they were to remain in their current posts. These included Special Branch Police chief Pol Lt-Gen Thaworn Chanyim, Immigration Police chief Pol Lt-Gen Suwat Thamrongsrisakul, Region 4 chief Pol Lt-Gen Sathaporn Duangkaew, Central Investigation Bureau chief Pol Lt-Gen Montri Chamroon, Crime Suppression Division chief Pol Maj-Gen Winai Thongsong, 191 Police chief Pol Maj-Gen Sumeth Ruangsawat, Metropolitan Police Division 5 chief Pol Maj-Gen Kosin Hinthao, Metropolitan Police Division 7 chief Pol Maj-Gen Boonsong Panichattra, and Special Branch Police Division 3 chief Pol Maj-Gen Atthakrit Thareechat. Pol Maj-Gen Atthakrit Thareechat is currently providing security for Thaksin in London.[21]

Surasit Sangkhapong, director of the Government Lottery Office and an aide of Thaksin resigned to allow Auditor-General Jaruvan Maintaka to conduct an investigation into an allegation of irregularity.[22]

Governors of provinces seen as Thai Rak Thai political strongholds transferred to smaller provinces or appointed to the inactive posts in the Interior Ministry. This included the governors of Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Khon Kaen, Buri Ram, Phatthalung, Satun, Surin, Kamphaeng Phet, Sukhothai, and Samut Prakan. Interior Minister Aree Wongarya denied that the moves were politically motivated.[23] However, the reshuffle was widely seen as an attempt to demote those with links to the deposed government. Interior Ministry permanent secretary Phongphayome Wasaphooti also noted that the transfers were done in order to "reduce the influences attached to their Thai Rak Thai-initiated CEO governorships. The transfers are aimed at enabling the [Surayud] government to function more easily."[24]

[edit] Appointment of advisors

The junta ordered 58 prominent civilians to serve as its advisers. However, most of the appointees denied any knowledge of the appointments, with some saying they couldn't serve. "I have said that the coup is wrong, how can I serve as its advisory board?" asked Chaiwat Satha-anand of the Faculty of Political Science of Chulalongkorn University[25]. Pratheep Ungsongtham Hata, who was appointed to the reconciliation panel, also boycotted the CDR's advisory board, noting that as a democracy advocate, she could not work with the CDR, which took by unconstitutional means. Pibhob Dhongchai, a leader of the defunct anti-Thaksin People's Alliance for Democracy, said he could not participate in the reconciliation panel because he was a member of the National Economic and Social Advisory Council, and already had a channel to advise the government.[26]

Pasuk Pongpaichit, an anti-Thaksin economist who had also been appointed, denied that she could not serve as an advisor, using as her excuse an impending extended trip to Japan.[27] When asked by the press why the junta had not informed the appointees of their appointments, the CDR spokesman Lt-Gen Palangoon Klaharn said: "It is not necessary. Some matters are urgent. It is an honour to help the country. I believe that those who have been named will not reject the appointment because we haven't damaged their reputation." [28]

Advisors were appointed in 4 key areas:

  • Reconciliation and justice. Headed by Community Organizations Development Institute Chairpman Phaibool Wattanasiritham, this group had 26 members, including Gothom Arya, Chaiwat Sathaanand, Theeraphat Serirangsan, Phiphop Thongchai, Pratheep Ungsongtham Hata, Srisak Valiphodom, Urichai Wangkaew and Sophon Supaphong.
  • Foreign affairs. Headed by former Permanent Secretary of the Foreign Ministry Vitaya Vejjajiva and made up of former diplomants including Tej Bunnag, Krit Karnchana-kunchorn, Nit Pibulsongkram and Phisarn Manawaphat.[29]

[edit] Investigation of the deposed government

The junta assigned several agencies to investigate the deposed government.

  • An Assets Examination Committee, established to investigate corruption allegations involving projects approved by the deposed government, including the CTX bomb-scanner controversy. Jaruvan Maintaka, Auditor-General, threatened to resign from the Committee if it did not investigate all cases of alleged irregularity, including the personal wealth of former Cabinet ministers as well as "policy corruption", where policies were approved to allegedly benefit personal interests. Specifically, she wanted the Committee to investigate the sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings.
  • The National Counter Corruption Commission (NCCC), which was ordered to rush its investigation into corruption allegations involving politicians. The Commission members were appointed by the CDR and consisted of several vocal critics of Thaksin Shinawatra.[30]
  • The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which would continue to investigate the sale of Shin Corporation.[31][32][33]

After less than a week, the Assets Examination Committee was dissolved and several of its members were incorporated into a new 12-member committee with greater powers to freeze the assets of members of the Thaksin government accused of corruption. The new committee had a much wider scope that the original Committee, and was able to respond to the demands of Jaruvan Maintaka. The committee was empowered to investigate any projects or acts by members of the Thaksin government and others who were suspected of irregularities, including tax evasion. The chairman of the old committee, Sawat Chotephanich, was demoted in the new committee; he later resigned, reportedly in protest.[34] The remaining members of the new committee included several figures who had been publically critical of the Thaksin government, including Kaewsan Atibhoti, Jaruvan Maintaka, Nam Yimyaem, and Sak Korsaengreung. Nam Yimyaem was later appointed chair of the committee.

A separate decree (No. 31) gave the NCCC the authority to freeze the assets of politicians who failed to report their financial status by a deadline or intentionally reported false information. Another decree (No. 27) increased the penalty for political party executives whose parties had been ordered dissolved, from simply banning them from forming or becoming executives of a new party, to stripping them of their electoral rights for five years.[35]

[edit] Interim charter

The junta released a draft interim charter on 27 September 2006, to much criticism.[36] Structurally, the draft interim charter is similar to the 1991 Constitution, the 1976 Constitution, and the 1959 Charter, in that it sets up an extremely powerful executive branch which would appoint the entire legislature. The CDR, which would be transformed into a Council for National Security (CNS), would appoint the head of the executive branch, the entire legislature, and the drafters of a permanent constitution. Criticism focused on the fact that:

  • The junta would appoint the Prime Minister and would sit in Cabinet meetings
  • The junta would appoint the entire legislature
  • The junta would appoint a 2,000 person National Assembly, which would appoint 200 candidates for a Constitution Assembly, which would appoint 100 members of a Constitution Assembly, which would select 25 members. The junta would directly appoint another 10 people to join the 25 in to writing a permanent constitution.[37]

[edit] Military restructuring

Sonthi Boonyaratglin announced that the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC) and the Civilian-Police-Military Task Force (CPM) 43 would be revived. Sonthi said the Army-led multi-agency Southern Border Provinces Peace Building Command would be dissolved and its troops would come under the CPM 43, which would operate in parallel with the SBPAC. The SBPAC and CPM 43 had been dissolved in mid-2001 by former Premier Thaksin Shinawatra. Prior to that, CPM 43 was under the directive of the SBPAC. Sonthi also made himself head of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Previously, the ISOC had been headed by the Prime Minister.[38]

The junta also extended for another three months the Thaksin government's emergency decree to combat the south Thailand insurgency. The emergency decree empowers state authorities to search and arrest suspected insurgents without warrants.[39]

Sonthi and other senior junta leaders flew to Chiang Mai on a Air Force C-130 on 3 November 2006 to visit a prominent fortune-teller and perform a religious ceremony to ward off bad luck over their staging of the Sept 19 coup.[40]

[edit] State enterprise board appointments

Junta leaders appointed themselves to the Boards of Directors of several state enterprises.[41]

  • Chalit Phukphasuk was appointed to the boards of Airports of Thailand (AoT) and the Thai Airways International
  • Saprang Kalyanamitr was appointed to the AoT board
  • Sathiraphan Keyanont was appointmented to the Chair of the Port Authority of Thailand board

[edit] Human rights restrictions

The junta enforced censorship of the media. An interview with the late Nuamthong Phaiwan broadcast by television channel iTV came to an abrupt end after the Director of Army-owned Channel 5 called the station to warn them against the broadcast.[42] Additional troops were dispatched to keep order at the station.

[edit] References

  1. ^ The Bangkok Post, Developments in the military coup d'etat today, 20 September 2006
  2. ^ "Text: Thai coup-leaders' statements." BBC News. September 19, 2006.
  3. ^ The Nation, Call us in full – CDRM
  4. ^ The Nation, CDRM now calls itself as CDR, 28 September
  5. ^ The Nation, Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim Edition) of B.E. 2549, 2 October 2006
  6. ^ The Australian, 21 September
  7. ^ The Bangkok Post, Top generals all in, 20 September 2006
  8. ^ The Nation, Ousted PM's allies receives lenient punishment, 29 September 2006
  9. ^ The Bangkok Post, Thaksin's cronies get shown door, 24 September 2006
  10. ^ The Nation, Annual military reshuffle announced, 29 September 2006
  11. ^ The Bangkok Post, "Coup leader gets full police powers", 22 October 2006
  12. ^ The Nation, Ruengroj exits restyled council, 3 October 2006
  13. ^ The Nation, healthcare, Village fund to stay: CDRM, 26 September 2006
  14. ^ The Nation, Academics divided over junta giving up power, 19 October 2006
  15. ^ The Nation, Martial law only eased slightly, 19 October 2006
  16. ^ Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy website
  17. ^ The Bangkok Post, 25 Sep 2006, Military set to publish interim constitution
  18. ^ Thai junta to work alongside new PM: coup leader
  19. ^ The Nation, Ousted PM's allies receives lenient punishment, 29 September 2006
  20. ^ The Nation, Govt heavies flee after many held, 20 September 2006
  21. ^ The Bangkok Post, Thaksin's cronies get shown door, 24 September 2006
  22. ^ The Nation, GLO chief resigns, 29 September 2006
  23. ^ The Bangkok Post, TRT-linked governors transferred, 1 November 2006
  24. ^ The Nation, 'Politics' not behind reshuffle, 2 November 2006
  25. ^ The Bangkok Post, CDR advisers not told of appointments, 26 September 2006
  26. ^ The Nation, Three refuse to join CDR reconciliation committee, 1 October 2006
  27. ^ (Thai) INN News, 'ผาสุก' ปัดร่วมคณะที่ปรึกษาศก.คปค., 27 September 2006
  28. ^ The Bangkok Post, Some advisers surprised by appointments, 26 September 2006
  29. ^ The Nation, CDRM moves to shore up image, 27 September 2006
  30. ^ The Nation, The nine graft-busters named by CDRM, 23 September 2006
  31. ^ The Nation, NCCC to try to conclude cases against politicians, 28 September 2006
  32. ^ The Nation, Assets probe panel focuses on reviewing of projects of ousted government, 28 September 2006
  33. ^ The Nation, Jaruvan threatens to quit panel, 28 September 2006
  34. ^ The Nation, Slighted Sawat resigns from AEC, 2 October 2006
  35. ^ The Nation, More powers for investigators, 1 October 2006
  36. ^ The Nation, Draft charter criticised, 28 September 2006
  37. ^ The Nation, Interim charter draft, 27 September 2006
  38. ^ The Nation, Southern groups to be revived, 18 October 2006
  39. ^ The Bangkok Post, Council extends emergency decree, 20 October 2006
  40. ^ Bangkok Post, Coup-Makers Try to Keep Bad Luck At Bay, 4 November 2006
  41. ^ Bangkok Post, Jobs for boys claim denied, 9 November 2006
  42. ^ The Nation, Taxi driver 'sacrificed himself for democracy', 2 November 2006

[edit] External links


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